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| The Church and the Hindu Heritage:Historical Case Studies in a Rocky Relationship |
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| H. L. Richard |
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Concerns about the historic Christian church and its dis-sonant relationship with Hindu contexts and with Hindus who follow Christ are widely evident in missiological literature. This paper will not offer a careful diagnosis of the issues, but let alone a prescription intended to salve or solve all wounds and ten-sions. Rather it will illustrate the problems and varied attempts at resolution from five striking figures in Indian church history.
These five case studies from history have been carefully chosen for the varying responses they de-veloped to their experienced dilem-mas in relating to historic Christian-ity and its institutions. The lesser known will be discussed at greater length than those about whom infor-mation is more easily available. Many more could have been in-cluded, and it is hoped that this pa-per will inspire deeper study on the five chosen, and also interest to study the lives of many other disci-ples of Jesus from Hindu families.
KALI CHARAN BA-NURJI (1847-1907): RESTARTING THE CHURCH IN THE HINDU CONTEXT
Kali Charan Banurji was a Kulin Brahmin Bengali who was born in Jabalpur in M.P. where his father was working. He was the eighth son in the family and his father died while he was still young. The family returned to Bengal and Kali Charan was invested with the sacred thread at Kalighat in Kolkata when 8 years of age.
Family stories tell that a number of children had died at birth, so Kali Charan's mother was given an amulet with some special powder in it, and this was worn until Kali Charan was born. It was then worn by him for many years. Later back in Bengal a palm reader had warned that this boy should not be taught English or he would become a renegade.
Kali Charan's elder brothers had attended a mis-sion school in Jabalpur, and he first saw the Bible there. He was an excellent student and at the age of 13 was ready for university. He entered the Free Church Institution founded by Alexander Duff; his family pressed him to marry at age 15, but Duff ex-horted him to marry his books, and he managed to resist the pressure to marry until he was 17. He passed his B.A. as gold medalist in his class, was hired as a professor at the college, and complete his M.A. a year later.
Kali Charan began to study the Bible at college, as it was required at Duff's institution. He was espe-cially struck by the prayers of Duff before the Bible studies, as he did not understand such boldness in calling down blessings from God. For two years at college Kali Charan was an orthopraxic Hindu; when a cousin of his ate some rice that had been touched by a Sudra, Kali Charan insisted that he eat nothing else until a proper prayaschitta was performed.
The greatest influences in leading Kali Charan to Christ were a medical missionary and some other students who had turned to Christ. A group of four students, including Kali Charan, used to meet to-gether for prayer and Bible study. Gradually Kali Charan became convinced of the truth of the gospel, but now he was confronted with a major change of life. He was sixteen, had worn his sacred thread for eight years, and now felt it necessary to abandon the thread. His family refused to eat with him when they learned he no longer wore the sacred thread.
Kali Charan kept up contact with his family, and when he earned scholarships for outstanding study and a salary as professor he sent funds home to sup-port them. The greatest crisis in his family was that his wife was not permitted to live with him after his baptism. This finally changed after the 1866 "Converts' Remarriage Act" allowed him to go to court. Under threat of becoming legally a widow, his wife fi-nally joined him and eventually also became a faithful fol-lower of Christ. In the rest of his family, however, only a few nephews also turned to Christ. One of those, Bhabani Charan Bhandyopadhyay, became well known as a follower of Christ in later years as Brahmabandhab Upadhyay.
Kali Charan taught for 14 years, but during that time felt a call to Christian ministry. He was given a scholarship for theo-logical study and began preparing for the ministry while still teaching. But at this time the noted Bengali Lal Behari Day resigned from the pastorate due to the inability to care for his family on the meager salary offered. Day had previously been in conflict with the Scottish missionaries; he was one of three Bengalis ordained but not accepted as full members of the mis-sion in 1856. Under pressure, two submitted. But Day refused to accept a lesser role and threatened to resign. A compromise was reached and Day worked in a leadership role in the mis-sion for four years before leaving for his pastoral position. Kali Charan Banurji was not given adequate assurances from the missionaries about his status and about the care of his family in case of his death, so he gave up looking towards the minis-try and studied law instead, graduating in 1870. Despite never becoming a Christian minister, he was always known among Hindus and Muslims as the Rev. Kali Charan Banurji.
Besides notable work as a lawyer, Kali Charan was always active in Christian work, leading Bible studies and prayer meetings, preaching to Hindus in an evangelistic hall, and as an elder in the church. He became a friend of Keshab Chandra Sen of the Brahmo Samaj, whom he considered a brother in Christ. In 1870 along with Joy Govinda Shome he started a weekly newspaper which ran for 33 years, The Indian Chris-tian Herald. The point of the paper was to develop a more robust faith in Christ as well as to bring the message of Christ before Hindus. He was politically active, being one of the speakers at an 1877 meeting protesting that the Indian Civil Service was not open to Indians, except those who studied and took the exam in England. Also in 1877 he helped found the Bengali Christian Conference. He was a member of the Indian National Congress from its inception in 1885 and served on a number of committees that guided the Congress. He continued to be interested in education as well, and particularly was in-volved in opening higher education opportunities for women.
The lasting legacy of Kali Charan Banurji is his patriotism; he refused to accept that following Christ led to foreign ways. Yet Christianity in India was deeply marked by foreign pat-terns and doctrines, so in 1887 he withdrew from the church and started the Christo Samaj. The strength of institutional Christianity was too strong for the Samaj to overcome, how-ever, and it died in 1895. The ideals that drove Kali Charan to resist the Christianity of his time were spelled out in a message to the 1888 Calcutta Missionary Conference:
The impression is abroad in India that Christianity is a for-eign religion and in order to dissipate this impression (1) just as Paul became all things to all men, so missionaries without ceasing to be Christians might become Hindus in order to reach Hindus; (2) they should be associated with a life of poverty as is the idea of a religious teacher here, instead of living in ease and comfort; (3) they should rec-ognize the germs of truth in the religions of the country, and (4) a convert should be allowed to be an Episcopalian without joining the Church of England or a Presbyterian without joining the Church of Scotland. In short, might not missionaries make it possible for converts to become members of an Indian rather than a foreign church?[1]
Despite his effort to start a separate Indian church, Ba-nurji was never of a narrow mind or spirit. When the YMCA began in Calcutta with interdenominational evangelistic fer-vor he quickly got involved and became one of the key lead-ers. When in 1905 17 key leaders from around the country met to inaugurate the National Missionary Society of India, Kali Charan was elected vice-president. At his death in 1907 Kali Charan was mourned by people of all communities as a humble and godly leader. He had failed to impact the Indian church with a proper regard for its cultural heritage, and his effort to restart a truly Indian church quickly foundered; but his testimony of faithfulness to Christ and his cause as an Indian will continue to speak to all who learn of his life.
PANDITA RAMABAI SARASWATI (1858-1922): LIVING WITH THE TEN-SION OF CONFLICTING HERITAGES
Pandita Ramabai's story is widely known, but has also been surrounded with myths and exaggerations. This brief account will try to clear some of the fog and raise some of the difficult questions related to her legacy.[2]
Ramabai's Brahmin father was an interesting mix of re-former and traditionalist. He is noted as a reformer for teach-ing his daughter Sanskrit; yet he was very traditional in refus-ing to allow her access to the Vedas. Ramabai memorized the Bhagavata Purana, yet knew nothing of the Marathi bhakti poets who so influenced her contemporary, Narayan Vaman Tilak (see the next section of this paper).
The family was on pilgrimage for many years as the fa-ther recited Puranas in various parts of India. Ramabai saw many of the abuses of popular Hinduism and especially the mistreatment of widows. In a severe drought and famine while on pilgrimage in 1877 her parents and sister died. When she and her surviving brother got to Calcutta in 1878 life began to change. Ramabai was honored for her knowl-edge of the Sanskrit Srimad Bhagavatam, and was honored as Pandita and Saraswati. She got involved with the Brahmo Samaj and for the first time read the Vedas. After marriage in 1881 to a non-Brahmin under Brahmo Samaj influence, she first received a gospel of Luke from a missionary. After the birth of her daughter her husband died, and Ramabai herself became a widow.
Ramabai returned to her native Maratha country where she would later become famous for her humanitarian work. She left to England to pursue medicine, but had to abandon that quest due to hearing problems. While in England she was baptized, but refused to submit fully to the authority of
the Anglican Church. She spent three years in England and then three in America, raising funds and forming a service mission to widows in India during the years in America (The American Ramabai Association). In 1889 she was back in In-dia, but soon found reforming work among widows to be com-plicated beyond expectation.
Initially Ramabai worked in close conjunction with Hindu reformers, and sought to work on a non-religious basis. She was a baptized Christian but did not believe in proselytizing. Yet as one of the very few individuals who cared for widows, it was only natural that the young widows around her would be drawn to her faith. In 1891 during the early years of her work she also entered into a living faith relationship with Christ. In her own words, "One thing I knew by this time, that I needed Christ, and not merely His religion."[3]
After entering into vital union with Christ, Ramabai be-came more active as an evangelist, and tensions with her Hindu supporters increased. In 1896 when severe famine hit central India she decided to launch a faith mission on the lines of George Muller and Hudson Taylor. She developed the Mukti Mission in Kedgaon, about 30 miles from Pune. Rama-bai continued to care for widows but also gathered famine orphans and built a huge humanitarian insti-tution that was clearly Christ-centered. A famine in western India in 1900 brought another influx of helpless children, swelling the num-bers at Mukti to nearly 2000. Many foreign and Indian volunteers worked under her leadership in the great challenge of caring for and raising these children, many of whom themselves grew to take on leadership roles.
1905 was a landmark year as revival came to Mukti. Many chil-dren were transformed and teams went out across India to share the gospel of Christ and the power of revival. But hopes that re-vival would transform India proved an illusion. Controversies about the revival were not the only complex topic Ramabai engaged. She was a critic of Bible translations in Marathi, so did one of her own! She learned Hebrew and translated the entire Bible into vernacular Marathi; sadly, her translation principles were very inadequate.
In Ramabai one sees the tensions involved in being in Christ and relating to the Hindu heritage. Ramabai remained vegetarian her entire life, was the first to publish a Marathi songbook of bhajans, and opposed the Westernization of Christians and churches. But in her Bible translation she sought to avoid all Sanskrit terms, suggesting that they con-tained a poison of Vedanta that is counter to biblical thought. She refused to allow her daughter to learn Sanskrit, and for many years had Latin taught in her schools. Yet her own mis-sion was named mukti!
We must leave Ramabai and her legacy of tension, sum-ming up from her biography by Nicol MacNicol:
In spite of the fact that she rejected peremptorily so much that we call Hindu, it was as what we must call a Hindu woman that she so charmed and subdued. Her soul was in its texture Indian and in her we see what such a soul may be under the control of Christ. The instinct of India, in spite of so much alienation and so much calumny, recognized with pride this kinship and, when she died, in many of the cities of the land people gathered to honour one who by her life had brought honour to her race. In Bombay at a public memorial meeting Mrs. Sarojini Naidu…laid claim to her in behalf of Hinduism as "the first Christian to be enrolled in the calendar of Hindu saints."[4]
NARAYAN VAMAN TILAK (1868-1919): A CHRISTO-CENTRIC MOVE BEYOND THE CHURCH AND CHRISTIANITY
When Ramabai published the first collection of Christian bhajans she included a few of her own publications but relied mainly on the work of Narayan Vaman Tilak. Tilak grew up under the influence of the Marathi bhakti saints, known to the world through a series of translations by missionaries called The Poet-Saints of Maharash-tra.[5]
Tilak turned to Christ in 1895 after a period of disillusionment with Hin-duism during which he contemplated beginning a new religion. He met a missionary on a train journey who first spoke at length with him about Sanskrit poetry and later urged him to read the New Testament. The reac-tion to Tilak's baptism was electric, and he was separated from his wife for over four years before she re-joined him and also later came to Christ.
Like many Hindus who turn to Christ, Tilak assumed that Christ and Western Christianity are part of one package, and he became a good Christian. But a major transition began in his life one day when he heard the pilgrims of the Marathi poet-saints singing their songs and decided to write bhajans to Christ. As his pilgrimage progressed Tilak became a remark-able pioneer in what we now call contextualization, developing patterns of evangelism and discipleship that fit local contexts.
Tilak and his wife had visited Ramabai at Mukti in 1905, just a few months before the revival broke out there. But there were too many differences between them for close cooperation to develop. In fact, it was at Mukti that Tilak's wife Lakshmi-bai, by then following Christ for five years, was convinced by Ramabai to cease wearing the bindi (red dot on the forehead). Lakshmibai reflected on this in a presentation given in 1933:
After becoming a Christian, for many years I would apply kunku. No missionary objected to this. Once, however, a learned Indian Christian lady connected kunku with the Shakta cult, misled me, and took a promise from me that I would never again apply kunku. Afterwards Tilak ex-plained to me the meaning of kunku. But since I had given a promise I did not apply it again and Tilak never insisted that I do so.[6]
But Tilak went far beyond some outward accommodation to Hindu forms. The themes of his writing also resonated with bhakti, while being faithful to biblical revelation. In 1917 his life took another turn, this time through meeting a Hindu dur-ing a train journey. This Hindu man referred to the dynamism of Tilak as a young leader, and asked what had happened to him.
Tilak realized he had drifted too far from his own people, and was now isolated in communalized Christianity. After months of struggle and hesitation he resolved to begin a new movement which he called devachadarbar, God's royal court. This was to be a brotherhood of the baptized (Christian) and unbaptized (Hindu) disciples of Jesus; what today we might call a true church that transcended the sociological boundaries of religious affiliation.
Tilak's new work did not proceed far, as he died within two years of its start. But he left a legacy and a dream that remains to be realized by new generations of Hindus who follow Jesus. [7]
MANILAL C. PAREKH (1885-1967): MOVING BEYOND THE CHURCH, CHRISTIANITY AND CHRISTO-CENTRISM
Manilal C. Parekh was a Gujarati from a family that was traditionally Jain, but his father converted to Vaishnavism and Krishna bhakti. Through a friend he became attracted to Christ by reading The Imitation of Christ. When he learned about Keshab Chandra Sen (1838-1884) of the Brahmo Samaj he found a guru, and followed Keshab in everything, including his reverence for Christ. He went to Calcutta for four months of training and then worked as a Brahmo missionary for eight years in western India, being ordained a Brahmo minister in 1915.
Manilal's own statement about his years as a Brahmo worker summarize the situation best: "During these years I stood strongly for Christo-Centre, although I was almost alone in this state of mind."[8] During an illness Manilal read the Bible and was completely won over to Christ. He contem-plated beginning a Hindu Church of Christ, but was told by a Brahmo friend that the Indian church was moving on those lines so he joined the Anglican Church in 1918. He spent about a year at Mukti with Ramabai, and another six months with Christians in Bombay after his baptism. But he was very unhappy with what he saw of Christianity in India.
It is best to let Manilal describe his thoughts and actions at
that time:
The Indian Christians could by no means be called Chris-tians in my sense of the term, and they were not only not national in any sense of the term but were positively anti-national and still more anti-Hindu. The so-called Church of Christ was almost entirely "carnal" in the Pauline sense of the term. If Saint Paul could complain of their being "carnal Christians" in his own time, that is about thirty years after Jesus, how much more would that be true in India where Christianity was being propagated with all the material resources of the Western World? I used to discuss these things with some of the leading Indian Christians and missionaries who were frank enough to talk about these matters, and I found them to be fully aware of these evils though they would not speak of them openly. As regards myself, I could not tolerate this situation, since to my mind it was most harmful to both Christianity of the right type and to Hinduism. To me both these faiths were not only not antagonistic as practically all Christians, Indian and West-ern, believed, but they formed integral parts of one whole. To me, to be a true Hindu was to be a true disciple of Christ, and to be a true disciple of Christ meant to be more a Hindu and not less. This belief was woven into my being and it was the light of all my seeing and thinking. Thus, I had to fall back more or less on what I called the Hindu Church of Christ and I severed my connection with all or-ganised Christianity.[9]
Manilal saw the same problems of the others introduced in this paper, and seeing no like-minded community set out on his own path. He had come to the notice of many Christians and was invited to be the head of the Christa Seva Sangha ash-ram in Pune, but felt he could not join a distinctly Anglican institution. In 1924 an American sponsored him as a freelance evangelist, traveling around India speaking to educated people. This lasted for five years. He was made a member of the Na-tional Christian Council of India during this time and was sup-ported in his work by Stanley Jones and others.
During visits to America in 1929 and 1933 Manilal became convinced that Christianity was not in any way producing bet-ter fruit than Hinduism. The publication of the book Christian Mass Movements in India became a watershed. Manilal was committed to a spiritual faith and was deeply dismayed by the shallowness of the Christianity he saw almost everywhere. This 1933 book by Bishop J. W. Pickett seemed to glorify the weakness of Christianity and support the less-than-spiritual methods and motives of many of the mass movement converts. Manilal responded with a bitter book entitled Christian Prose-lytism in India: A Great and Growing Menace, published only in 1947. This publication closed all doors for Manilal in the Christian world.
It is sad to note that conflicts and disillusionment with the Christian world led to Manilal drifting away from the Christ-centered position he had affirmed even while with the Brahmo Samaj. He became an advocate of what he called Bhagavata Dharma, an ideology that found truth in all religions and many prophets worthy of honor and discipleship. When I visited his grand-daughters in Rajkot, Gujarat, in 2000, they had no knowledge of his Christian involvement and stated that in his last years he faithfully visited a Swami Narayan temple.
The last word on Manilal will be that of his friend R. C. Das, from an obituary written in 1967:
Bhai Monilal was a valued and beloved friend. He and I, of about the same age, we found our saviour and Lord in Je-sus Christ, he in 1915 and I in 1908. We soon became fast friends as in 1919 he lived with me in St. John's College, Agra, for a while, where I was teaching at the time. He not only taught and preached in different churches and among other groups in India but also in many other countries of the world. He was a cosmopolitan Christian, a true member of the holy catholic and apostolic church. We shared many ideas and convictions as regards the Christian faith and its role in the context of the spiritual and social culture of In-dia. It was a misfortune and a first class blunder on the part of the church, missionary ridden and western oriented—that such a humble, devout and loving soul, a dhoti-wearing and vegetarian Jain, a practical disciple and follower of Christ, could not be fully inte-grated in the visible fellowship of Christ and had to confine himself in his generous and loving family group—[that he] of the eminent qualifications of head and heart, of a convert who had been a mis-sionary of the Brahmo Samaj, could not be utilized for the wid-ening and humanising of the lives of Christian leaders who have been living in narrow theological and cultural grooves. The loser is the church and not he.... [10]
KALAGARA SUBBA RAO (1912-1981): CHRISTO-CENTRIC AVOIDANCE OF CHURCH AND CHRISTIANITY
K. Subba Rao was a Kamma from Andhra Pradesh. He grew up as a cynic against religion and led a rebellious life against religion and religious leaders. He managed to get an education and a job as a teacher, and married in 1937. His dis-solute life broke his health, and in a period of convalescence he had a vision of Christ that transformed his life in 1942.[11]
Subba Rao wrote a striking song about Christ appearing to him, a fallen atheist, when many churches had been built in his name. He was a reluctant disciple of Jesus at first; after all, he had a reputation as a mocker of religion. But he found that healings followed when he laid hands on people in Jesus' name, and soon his faith and works brought him to the attention of both Hindus and Christians.
Subba Rao's initial contacts with Christians were not good, and to the end of his life he refused to be baptized or to work
under the "Christian" label. Due to his healing ministry he developed a considerable following in Andhra and also Karna-taka, but he was opposed to religion as such and never started anything resembling a religious organization. He highlighted the opposition of religious leaders to Jesus and suggested that the same situation continues today. Among his writings is a biting tract entitled "Gurudev: Where Can I Get So Many Mill-stones?" where he says that there are so many Christian pastors putting burdens on the little sheep of Christ that it is hard to imagine where so many millstones can be found to put around their necks.
A considerable movement of disciples of Jesus gathered around Subba Rao, and after his death an ashram hall was built on the outskirts of Vijayawada. The movement is in a major transition period due to the deaths of both Subba Rao's widow and his successor as leader of the ministry.
The healing ministry of Subba Rao drew people, but they were held by the bhakti focused on Jesus that is the mark of their public meetings. Subba Rao wrote 34 songs that are con-stantly sung, and numerous songs used by Christians in An-dhra Pradesh are also part of their hymnody. Despite disdain for organi-zation and a refusal to accept the label of "Christian," the marks of a New Testament ekklasia (church) are pre-sent.
Subba Rao was not a deep Bible stu-dent and was loose and even reckless in his terminology and teaching. Yet he demonstrated that it is possible to follow Jesus Christ as a Hindu and gather other Hindus into a bhakti sam-pradaya with a focus on discipleship to Jesus. Thus he presents a challenge and illuminates possibilities for other followers of Jesus from Hindu families.
CONCLUSION
Different conclusions can be drawn from the varying ap-proaches to ―church‖ evident in these case studies. It seems safe to say that the way of Ramabai, living with the tension of conflicting heritages, has generally been the pattern of Hindus who turn to Christ. Those committed to the Bible can only take the case study of Manilal Parekh as a warning of danger. The danger lies in two directions; that of leaving Christ-centeredness but also that of aggravating others away from Christ and his people due to perpetuating Western forms and attitudes.
Pioneering new approaches that seek truly Hindu expres-sions of ekklesia (church) seems a commendable effort in light of these case studies. K.C. Banurji‘s effort really was in the direction of reforming churches that existed in a deeply West-ern model, and there is little hope for this to succeed. Tilak and Subba Rao went further, desiring to transcend Western models with something deeply Hindu, not unlike the way Gentile churches transcended the established Jewish expressions of communities, it is clear that multiple Christ-movements need to develop and these will no doubt evidence significant differ-ences. That movements resembling each of the positions out-lined historically in this paper will appear in our day should excite rather than concern disciples of Jesus. May it so be, and may we embrace with grace and joy the various expressions of discipleship to Jesus that develop in the Hindu world. (AFMI/ASFM)
ENDNOTES
[1] Barber, B. R., Kali Charan Banurji: Brahmin, Christian, Saint. The Christian Literature Society for India, London, Madras and Colombo, 1912, pg. 50.
[2] For the facts on Ramabai see Ram Bapat, "Pandita Rama-bai: Faith and Reason in the Shadow of East and West," in Representing Hinduism: The Construction of Religious Traditions and National Identity, eds. Vasudha Dalmia and H. Von Stietencron; Delhi: Sage, 1995, pp. 239-49.
[3] Ramabai, Pandita, A Testimony, Pune, p. 23.
[4] Macnicol, Nicol, Pandita Ramabai. Builders of Modern India, Calcutta: Association Press, 1926, pg. 140.
[5] 12 volumes published between 1926 and 1941, many available in reprint still today.
[6] The Marathi original of this is in Tilak, Lakshmibai, Sam-purna Smrutichitre, ed. Ashok Devdatt Tilak, Mumbai: Popular Prakashan, 1989, pg. 704. For the English trans-lation see Richard, H. L., Following Jesus in the Hindu Context: The Intriguing Implications of N. V. Tilak' Life and Thought, Pasadena: William Carey Library, 1998, pg. 118.
[7] Tilak‘s story is told in more detail in the next chapter.
[8] "An Autobiographical Sketch," in Manilal C. Parekh, Dhanjibhai Fakirbhai, ed. Robin Boyd, Library of Indian Christian Theology, Madras: Christian Literature Society, 1974, pg. 25.
[9] Ibid., pp. 26-27.
[10] R.C. Das: Evangelical Prophet for Contextual Christian-ity, ed. H. L. Richard, Confessing the Faith in India, Delhi: ISPCK, 1995, pp. 272-273.
[11] Subba Rao's life and teaching are outlined and analyzed in my study Exploring the Depths of the Mystery of Christ: K. Subba Rao's Eclectic Praxis of Hindu Disci-pleship to Jesus, Bangalore: Centre for Contemporary Christianity, 2005.
[10] Aloysius M. Ambrozic, The Hidden Kingdom: A redaction-critical study of the references to the kingdom of God in Mark’s Gospel (Washington, D.C.: Catholic Biblical Association of America, 1972), p. 45.
[11] Ladd‘s view of the mysteries seems overly reductionistic. ―The mystery of the kingdom is this: Before this eschatological con-summation . . . the kingdom of God has entered this age and invaded the kingdom of Satan in spiritual power to bring to men in advance the blessings . . . which belong to the age to come.‖ George Eldon Ladd, ‗Kingdom of Christ, God, Heaven‘, in Walter Elwell (ed.), Evangelical Dictionary of Theology (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1984), p. 609. The actuality is much more com-plex, as indicated by the variety of parables required to repre-sent the various mysteries.
[12] E. Stanley Jones, The Unshakable Kingdom and the Unchang-ing Person (Nashville: Abingdon, 1972), pp. 292, 293.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ambrozic, Aloysius M. , The Hidden Kingdom: A redaction-critical study of the references to the kingdom of God in Mark’s Gospel (Washington, D.C.: Catholic Biblical Association of America, 1972).
Arndt, W. F., ‗The New Testament Teaching on the Kingdom of God‘, Concordia Theological Monthly, 21/1 (1950), 8–29.
Beasley-Murray, G. R., ‗The Kingdom of God in the Teaching of Jesus‘, Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society, 35/1 (1992), 19–30.
Bright, John, The Kingdom of God: The Biblical Concept and its Meaning for the Church (Nashville: Abingdon, 1953).
Edersheim, Alfred, The Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah (3rd edn.; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1971).
Erdman, Charles, The Gospel of Mark: An exposition (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1966).
Hunt, Boyd, Redeemed! Eschatological Redemption and the Kingdom of God (Nashville: Broadman and Holman, 1993).
Jones, E. Stanley, The Unshakable Kingdom and the Unchanging Person (Nashville: Abingdon, 1972).
Ladd, George Eldon, ‗Kingdom of Christ, God, Heaven‘, in Walter Elwell (ed.), Evangelical Dictionary of Theology (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1984), 607–611.
Luz, U. , ‗Basileia‘, in Horst Balz and Gerhard Schneider (eds.), Exegetical Dictionary of the New Testament (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1993), 201–205.
MacArthur, John, Matthew 1-7 (Chicago: Moody Press, 1985).
Matera, Frank J., The Kingship of Jesus: Composition and Theology in Mark 15 (SBL Dissertation Series 66; Chico, California: Scholars Press, 1982).
O‘Neill, J. C., ‗The Kingdom of God‘, Novum Testamentum, 35 (1993), 130-141.
Ridderbos, Herman, The Coming of the Kingdom (Philadelphia: P&R Publishing, 1962).
Ridderbos, Herman, ‗Kingdom of God, Kingdom of Heaven‘, in J. D. Douglas (ed.), New Bible Dictionary (2nd edn.; Leicester, England: IVP, 1982), 656-659.
Wright, N. T., Jesus and the Victory of God: Christian Concepts and the Question of God (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1996).
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